Rachel Reeves has tackled this week's spending review comparable to a hesitant swimmer inching into freezing water, attempting to mitigate the hardship through gradual immersion.
The chancellor started tackling the challenge of limited income at the close of the summer months. To begin with, she would not to uphold earlier statements that increases in taxation in the previous year's budget would be the last ones.
Later, in early November, she took a more significant stride into the icy sea. Her remarks committed to "implement needed measures" to finance public services and keep loan interest down.
After 10 days, the exchequer had withdrawn the hint. The manifesto commitment remained intact after all. As any freezing-water dipper understands, this halted dive and trembling pullback is the least effective of all techniques. No strategy extends the pain like indecision.
It's challenging to be resolute when choosing between levels of internally generated harm.
Expectation has not been a successful tactic for the administration. Central of the prime minister's political platform was the vain belief of somehow fulfilling the public's desire for better state services without undoing large sums of Conservative reductions in taxation.
At no point has both Starmer or the chancellor effectively conveyed a sense of national purpose to explain all this hardship. To some extent that is a issue of leadership presence. Both leaders are uncannily comparable in their communicative deficiency, wooden and reticent in a way that pushes the public back instead of pulling them closer.
In the same way that electoral expectations to support public services has compelled the finance ministry to concede that taxes must increase, the economic imperative of boosting growth makes it ever harder to disregard the expense of separation from the European single market.
Ministers devoted a twelve months splashing in the shallow end of improved relations with the EU: plans to end import controls on agricultural goods; a student movement initiative. Vision went a more substantial on power generation, armed forces partnership, but no major deals has to date been signed.
Lacking specific instruction and impetus from the prime minister's office, discussions are bogged down. EU officials says economic advantages are accessed with financial input to the continental treasury. British officials are aware that's the arrangement. That doesn't make them keen for a public row and campaigners shouting disloyalty over whatever price ends up being agreed.
Financial circumstances has provoked some adjustment in the government's tone on the EU relationship. The chancellor has begun citing Brexit alongside the coronavirus crisis as a reason of commercial injury that the finance ministry is toiling to fix. Other ministers have done the same, although they deliberately assign the blame to "unfavorable agreement" or "the manner of departure", never just "Brexit".
The issue of the nation's long-term partnership with the European Union can't be simplified to procedural changes and import controls when the entire international system is in tumultuous flux. Given everything that has transpired since the referendum year, it feels appropriate still to be asking the fundamental issue: were Britain's interests promoted by departing the EU?
These are cold, uncomfortable realities about the nation's situation in turbulent world affairs. It is understandable that both leaders flinch from the responsibility. It would take them outside their comfort zone, into currents that they cannot swim against. So as an alternative they persist anxiously moving along the water's edge, hoping that maybe soon the circumstances will shift.
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